"In a rapidly changing society, the struggle against authoritarianism becomes less effective when confronted with various strategic attacks of the modern world, leading to the risk of losing one’s identity." – Ashis Nandy

The movement against fascism can lose effectiveness when inner strength is compromised. During the Awami regime, many people lost this inner strength. Fascism became socialized at every level. There can be numerous analyses about why people were compelled to live under a well-established fascism like the Awami League. 

However, if we broadly consider why people support the Awami League, we might pinpoint five reasons. First, political ignorance. Second, a lack of objection to celebrating immorality or thuggery. Third, family or personal greed, or the need for money. Fourth, faith in false propaganda, party-driven historical narratives, and lies. Fifth, they weren’t true supporters; they merely pretended to be.

The Awami League was never a political party; it was a syndicate for looting, aimed against Bangladesh. Fascism can never be an ideology. It only creates a monstrous organization filled with criminals. If you see the Awami League as fascist, then there’s no room to consider it a political party. On the one hand, one may say they don’t want fascism; on the other, if they believe the Awami League has a right to political participation, then they don’t truly understand fascism. If one genuinely desires a society and politics free from fascism, one must envision a country without the Awami League. Only then can meaningful political discussions take place. But this cannot be done by accommodating a fascist ideology like that of the Awami League.

We must remember that all fascists claim to uphold democracy, promise to secure people’s rights, and gain power through public support. The consequences of allowing fascist ideology to exist in the name of democracy are dire. Banning a party might momentarily satisfy an angry populace, but it won’t conceal our strategic weaknesses in confronting fascism. It must be understood that future politics in Bangladesh will depend on where one stands regarding the Awami League issue and how effectively they handle it.

Banning the party may bring temporary satisfaction to an agitated public, but it doesn’t cover up our strategic and policy weaknesses in combating fascism. Remember, future politics in Bangladesh will hinge on how one deals with the Awami League question.

On the other hand, protecting democracy doesn’t require constant adherence to a policy of leniency. Philosopher Carl Schmitt captures this idea clearly:

“Every actual democracy rests on the principle that not only is equals equal but unequals will not be treated equally. Democracy requires, therefore, first homogeneity and second—if the need arises elimination or eradication of heterogeneity.” ― Carl Schmitt, Crisis of Parliamentary Democracy

To put it simply, ‘equality for all’ does not mean everyone is actually equal. And those who are not equal, or "unequal," are not treated equally. Democracy, therefore, demands a type of homogeneity and, when necessary, the elimination or eradication of heterogeneity.

Therefore, thinking that democracy lies in treating everyone equally is incorrect. Instead, treating everyone the same would render democracy ineffective. That’s where the concept of values comes in. Promising that democracy will make everyone equal is false. And the recent slogans against inequality, as part of the mass uprising, also need scrutiny. If students or other factions claim they’ll bring equality, they may misunderstand democracy’s true nature. Rather, if they advocate for the establishment of rights, that stance would be far more acceptable. Making false promises in the name of democracy reflects fascist tendencies. Therefore, we should say, "Whatever your stance, provisions will be made to secure your rights." This aligns more closely with the truth. If their rights are ensured as citizens, they’ll gradually progress on their own. Ensuring these rights will be achieved by establishing values within individuals, the state, and institutions, through the impartial application of laws. Fascist values cannot establish democracy by guaranteeing equality. This topic deserves further discussion. Let’s leave it here and return to our main argument.

We’ve seen how this monstrous organization propagated narratives of development to incite greed across society, ultimately destroying people’s basic humane and truthful nature. Except for a few rare exceptions, it has dragged down the collective morality of society to its lowest depths. From scholars to celebrities, many who were once idols of the people were lured into this monstrous organization, eroding their character.

The Awami League proved its fascist nature as far back as Sheikh Mujib’s regime. Yet, the people granted this party a return to power. And over the last 15 years, the Awami League has committed unprecedented acts of oppression against every form of opposition. In suppressing the July uprising, the party’s massacre of children, students, and civilians shocked the world. This horrific fascism was finally overthrown through a successful mass uprising, paid for in blood. Hasina fled to India. However, though deposed from power, the structures of fascism remain intact, creating constant challenges for Dr. Yunus’s government. 

Fascist allies continue to wield influence in all directions. While initially lying low, the fascist forces are now attempting to regroup. Fascist collaborators in both the administrative and social sectors are gradually reemerging. Some have already joined the lucrative business of rehabilitating the Awami League. For some, even facilitating the escape of League leaders abroad has become a business. The Awami League issue has now turned into a multi-million-dollar business. Despite political parties questioning the government on the status of over six hundred detained leaders since August 5th, no answers have been forthcoming.

Now, with the next election approaching, a question arises: will an election without the Awami League be legitimate? Those raising this question in the name of democracy may have forgotten that granting democratic opportunities to fascist forces is equivalent to inviting disaster. They will return, more brutal than ever. No political party wants to see the Awami League in politics before the killers face justice. However, the way justice is proceeding raises doubts about whether true justice will be achieved. Whether due to a misunderstanding of fascism or failure to grasp the spirit of the mass uprising, consolidating national unity will be challenging without a resolution to the Awami League issue. Unless the inner strength lost during the Awami regime is restored, people will lack the courage to express their thoughts freely, fearing the return of fascism. The horrors of the past have left a form of trauma in the population. Therefore, society needs healing.

2.

"Believing in something false is more dangerous than believing in nothing at all." – Umberto Eco

Firstly, considering the Awami League as a political organization would be a grave mistake. It is an ideological organization whose very nature is to establish fascism whenever it gains power. This was proven under both Sheikh regimes. Now, those involved in mass killings must be brought to justice. Failure to do so would make one complicit in the crimes against countless martyrs and thousands of injured individuals. But what about those who continue to nurture this fascist ideology, who remain eager to bring back Awami League politics in various forms, or who work covertly to create societal unrest at any given opportunity? If they could quickly maintain their status and influence by joining another party, they would have done so, as has happened many times before. However, following such a massive public uprising, they find themselves disempowered and uncertain. Major leaders have fled; some are in hiding locally, and others have been captured. For leaders and activists holding official posts, it is easy to prove their crimes due to ample evidence.

But what about those who supported these heinous acts? Those who view the Awami League as their only political ideology? Many of these people feel betrayed and astonished by Sheikh Hasina's escape. Those who attacked, beat, or killed ordinary people on behalf of the Awami League have clear and identifiable crimes. However, those who endorsed this ideology, donated funds, or helped shape opinions in favor of it lent their support to empower these atrocities. Yet, the crimes of these two groups are not equivalent. So, what will be done with this vast group of supporters? Will they live as outcasts forever, hiding their allegiance? Will they secretly remain fascist at heart, while blending into other political parties to maintain their influence? If so, families of martyrs and injured victims will question their involvement in this movement when they see such people continuing their influence in society. Does this align with the spirit of the uprising? It does not.

There is a difference between the crimes of those who took to the streets on Awami League’s orders against the public and those who simply harbor this ideology. For years, the BNP and Jamaat tags were used to harass and oppress anyone indiscriminately. Should the same approach now be applied to Awami League? Will false cases and mass arrests persist as they did before? If so, what change are we even discussing?

So, while believing in a false and fraudulent ideology may not be a direct crime, it is still wrong. People should not be denied the opportunity to correct their mistakes. If countless people are forced to live their lives in self-deception, speaking lies, then national unity will never be achieved. Today’s victims could become tomorrow’s killers. History has shown us that victims can become killers. Therefore, we must stop this process of creating victims. For this, effective initiatives must be taken.

3.

"Whatever happens, do not lie to yourself." – Fyodor Dostoevsky

We believe that solving this problem solely through criminal justice is insufficient. When Sheikh Mujib was assassinated in 1975, Sheikh Hasina returned to power 25 years later, showing how deeply Awami fascism had taken root in society, ingraining itself into the character and habits of many people. Fascism is not confined to the state or power; it infiltrates human behavior. As the Awami League was historically established as the so-called mainstream in Bangladesh, you’ll find numerous Awami League supporters throughout society. Meanwhile, other political parties failed to develop effectively while trying to stand against this morally degraded party. The Awami League has become almost a natural phenomenon in Bangladesh. Without ideologically and culturally resisting it and rendering it ineffective in society, no political opposition or alternative will be able to break free from its influence. The risk of the Awami League’s relevance will not disappear because it has deeply corrupted both society and individual character.

The Awami League has symbolized politics as a business of lowly people, making decent individuals feel helpless in opposing it. So long as this widespread influence is left unchallenged, Bangladesh cannot develop into a morally strong political community. Societies built on self-deception never establish themselves as honorable nations in the world. One of the primary reasons for the current disorder in Bangladesh is that society’s collective moral compass has been destroyed by fascism. People now see wrongdoing as a right. They not only lie for minor benefits but also believe in their own lies, which kills their inner essence. They live like the walking dead, devoid of historical or existential potential. If we do not take steps to completely eradicate this tendency from the Bangladeshi population, we will not have a promising future as a collective society.

This is why we look to the example of South Africa, where in 1996, a "Truth and Reconciliation Commission" was established to address the mass killings, disappearances, and torture suffered during apartheid from 1948 to 1989, under the leadership of Nelson Mandela’s coalition government. They were inspired by the Nuremberg Trials held after World War II to prosecute Nazis. However, instead of focusing solely on prosecution, they emphasized a process of forgiveness. This initiative aimed to restore humanity and unity in society.

Each country’s circumstances are unique, so while we should study other models carefully, we must adopt a process that is suitable for us. Just as the Allied forces undertook a five-year denazification process in Germany after World War II, we must prioritize the proposal and necessity for de-Awami or de-Awamification in Bangladesh. This is a vast and complex task, but it is essential for Bangladesh’s long-term progress. Even if it takes a long time, we must pursue it. The government, all political parties, activist students, general public, and even Awami League supporters must cooperate in this effort.

In 2023, the BNP and allied parties involved in the combined movement proposed a 31-point reform agenda for state restructuring. The 13th point stated:

“Rule of law will be established at all levels. Human values and dignity will be restored. Abductions, murders, extrajudicial killings, and inhumane physical and mental torture will end. Human rights will be implemented. Appointments to the Human Rights Commission will be made based on specific standards. All individuals directly or indirectly involved in all extrajudicial killings, indiscriminate killings under the guise of crossfire, enforced disappearances, murders, abductions, rape, brutal physical torture, and cruel and inhumane crimes committed in the past one and a half decades will be brought to justice according to existing laws.”

(13th point of the BNP’s 31-point agenda, source: Prothom Alo, July 13, 2023)

A commission is already mentioned here, and it also includes bringing indirect perpetrators to justice. After significant bloodshed and a mass uprising, this need has become even more urgent. Therefore, if this government can initiate this effort involving the victims and all parties, and even if it cannot be completed immediately, those who gain public support and come to power afterward can carry forward this work. We can reasonably expect this. This commission will assist in ensuring justice by implementing the Truth, Confession, and Reconciliation process nationwide.

4.

"Tell me who your enemy is, and I will tell you who you are." – Carl Schmitt

In the process of nation-building, one damaging lesson we've received from the Awami League is the idea of "friendship." They consistently spoke of "friendly states." However, a state is primarily built upon the concept of identifying potential enemies. This doesn’t mean indiscriminately creating enmity, but a state must always approach its sovereignty and growth by recognizing potential threats. Relations with other countries are based on mutual interest and cooperation, not presuming friendship from the outset, which risks compromising national interests. 

Similarly, within the country, there must be unity in the political sphere against forces that threaten Bangladesh’s sovereignty. In this respect, the Awami League has proven itself to be an anti-Bangladesh force. Recognizing the Awami League as a common enemy through a bloody uprising has its advantages, which we must understand. Unless the ideology, philosophy, and culture that the Awami League spread are rooted out, authoritarianism will continue to breed. We must remember that you cannot cleanse dirt with more dirt.

Therefore, to establish a collective moral spirit and a state based on democratic rights, we must resist this common enemy in every sphere. This approach will help consolidate the spirit of the uprising. Allowing the Awami League to remain in society and continue politics would mean remaining at a tribal level of politics. Only by creating a political space without the League can we directly enter into discussions about the relationship between citizens and the state. For this, a comprehensive de-Awami project must be initiated within society. Those who once allied with the League for strategic purposes have weakened the moral strength to stand against it. The Awami League has become pervasive, and even those who played an essential role in the uprising owe an explanation to the nation if they prioritized strategy over principle, thus mixing with fascism to maintain their position. In short, any relationship with the League requires confession or accountability.

To achieve this, we must emphasize the necessity of forming a Justice Commission with the support of civil society. At the core of this commission would be family members of the deceased, the injured, or their families. Families affected by killings and disappearances during the Awami regime will be involved. This commission will work not only for the July uprising but for all injustices committed under the Awami regime. Its scope will be vast, ranging from identifying actual criminals and documenting them to organizing confessions from people who supported this ideology. This initiative must be nationwide, reaching every sector of society and the state. This way, those charged with criminal offenses can be separated, preventing false or fabricated cases against them and safeguarding their human rights.

South Africa’s commission of this type faced criticism because it involved a process of confession and forgiveness. Victims shouldn’t have the right or be expected to forgive anyone, as it violates their fundamental human rights. We don’t intend to give anyone the authority to forgive here. However, we can ensure protections for the rights of the accused. Simultaneously, allowing League supporters across the country an opportunity to expose the real criminals and confess their roles could strengthen social unity and national solidarity, mitigating the traumatic state of the society.

The government must offer complete support in this effort. All political parties need to come forward, and both national and international experts should be involved. Assistance from the United Nations may be sought if necessary. Canada has a commission on such matters, whose support we could request. Other commissions and organizations that work on similar issues should also be involved. The government has already established some commissions, and these efforts could be coordinated with them. This initiative must reach every sector, from government institutions and ministries to neighborhoods and individual households. This task might take three to four years, but it must be pursued with patience and commitment. Soft League supporters, opposition parties fostered by fascism like the National Party, and individuals or organizations allied with the League so far must all be brought into this justice process.

5.

"If the truth kills them, let them die." – Immanuel Kant

What will we achieve by undertaking this massive endeavor of truth, justice, and societal reconstruction? Firstly, we will take meaningful steps towards justice for the deceased and injured. A nationwide documentation of criminals will make the process of justice easier. Gradually, the trauma experienced by society will begin to dissipate. The moral decay that took hold during the era of fascism will be uprooted from people’s character. Consolidating the spirit and achievements of this uprising will become simpler. Fear of the Awami League returning in disguise will be eradicated. India will be forced to reevaluate its policy on Bangladesh, finding no other option but to consider alternatives to their proven allies.

Beyond all this, we will achieve a significant outcome: public awareness will develop before any political ideology can gain support in society. When people see that being complicit with a fascist ideology has rendered them criminals or made them realize their mistake, it will instill a mature political consciousness, helping them to critically assess which ideologies they support in the future. No effort to establish democracy in our country will succeed without fostering democratic political thinking and culture among our people. However, with this Truth and Reconciliation process in place, there will be little appetite among the public to support fascist ideologies. The realization that political ambition can become a life-or-death matter will take root. This process could play an essential role in transforming society democratically and nurturing the development of individual political thought.

Additionally, this process will destroy the dormant seeds of Awami League fascism within society. People will develop an awareness about the type of political movements they should support in the future, avoiding any traps of false or deceptive ideologies. They won’t idolize just anyone, betray their conscience, or abandon the path of truth, even if their lives are at risk. Compromising with lies will cease. Society’s inner strength will return. When fascist forces like the League are resisted as a common enemy, national unity will be fortified. The Awami League will no longer be used as a means to personal gain.

Some may ask if Awami League supporters will willingly participate in this process. Many now realize that their leader, who fled, deceived them. They understand it was a mistake to place their trust in someone who abandoned them in the face of potential genocide. Others may recall past memories or believe the League once played a positive role, especially before independence. Many may have emotional attachments to the party for various reasons, which is natural. However, such emotions are misguided after this massacre, and we cannot afford to indulge them. In this regard, we echo Nandy’s sentiments:

“The ideas that once symbolized liberation later open the path to violence and exploitation. Reflect on how and when you justify injustice, oppression, and brutality.” – Ashis Nandy (Footpath Perulei Samudra)

Awami League supporters must understand this. They need to break free from this delusion and actively participate in building Bangladesh. They could even make the process of leaving the Awami League a celebratory event (perhaps by symbolically washing away their past allegiance, even striking a portrait of Hasina as a symbolic gesture of leaving). They can also assist in bringing criminals to justice. This is not directed at any individual or party; rather, it’s about understanding our humanity, prioritizing the national interest, and taking steps to escape cycles of trauma and social falsehood. By undertaking this process, we have engaged in a purification effort against fascist ideas, beliefs, and habits. If they refuse, and if truth endangers those who cling to lies, then there will be nothing left for us to do but lament.

Those who participate in this process will receive a certificate from the commission, publicly renewing their commitment to the people. This way, we can enlist countless individuals in the journey of building a new Bangladesh. To prioritize the country’s interests, national unity must be restored among the people. Fascist ideologies must be ideologically and culturally expelled from society. This is the urgent task at hand.

The writer is a noted political analyst in Bangladesh. He is the editor of Joban Magazine.

Disclaimer: The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the opinions and views of Tvista.

Disclaimer: The article was first published at Joban and was republished at Tvista with author’s consent.